Transgressing the norms :

the grotto-esque in Antony and Cleopatra


Pauline Blanc
ENS-Lyon (Sciences)

My interest in the grotto-esque1 as a transgressive art form present in Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra stems from the play's intertwining socio-political and gender transgressions and also from the imagery which is highlighted at the end of the last scene by the allusion to the cave, the etymological starting point that links the grotesque with the grotto-esque. The agent of Cleopatra's success in depriving Octavius Caesar of his triumph, in which she was to be put on show as the principal freak, is given full credit for the resolution of the plot A somewhat marginalized First Guard draws attention to the aspic's trail, to the phallic serpent of the Nile, the cave-dweller bred of Nilus's regenerative slime and the instrument of Cleopatra's ecstatic death. As a transcendent symbol of Egyptian culture (the circled oroborus and serpent that sucks life from the bosom of the Great-Mother-Isis) it is a symbol of rejuvenation and eternity. The cave that is marked with its slime can in turn be identified with the cavernous anatomical female body, traditionally womb and tomb, vessel of birth and death, and here in the play-world of Antony and Cleopatra, the instigator of the dismemberment and re-creation of a noble identity.
My literalization of the grotesque as grotto-esque derives from the historic cultural event in fifteenth century Rome when Nero's Golden Palace across from the Coliseum was ex-cavated. That excavation represented one of the most controversial retrievals of Roman culture in the Italian Renaissance, uncovering as it did a series of strange mysterious drawings, with fantastical designs intermingling vegetation, animal and body parts. This event cannot be considered as the discovery or the origin of what is now called the grotesque ­ the category of the grotesque as such emerged only later with the renewed interest in aesthetic treatises like the De Architectura (ca 27 B.C.) of the Roman writer Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, writing during the reign of Augustus on the new style. Vitruvius linked the classical style with the natural order and in contrast, in deprecatory fashion, pointed to the grotto-esque style as a repository of unnatural, frivolous and irrational connections in things which transgress the laws of nature and proportion:

[] For our contemporary artists decorate the walls with monstrous forms rather than reproducing clear images of the familiar world. Instead of columns they paint fluted stems with oddly shaped leaves and volutes, and instead of pediments arabesques; the same with candelabra and painted edifices, on the pediments of which grow dainty flowers unrolling out of robes and topped, without rhyme or reason, by little figures. The little stems, finally, support half-figures crowned by human or animal heads. Such things, however, never existed, do not now exist, and shall never come into being. (Quoted by Kayser 20)
In other words, the grotto art emerged as a category in relation to the norms it exceeded.
Often trivialized and debased by critics throughout the late Renaissance, grotesqueries such as those that Vitruvius describes and similar to those that Raphael juxtaposed with Christian art in the Vatican Loggias (1517-1519) became popular as design elements around and in the margins of serious art work. They became less popular after Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti's condemnation of them in 1582 (Morel 121). He related the monstrous hybrid figures of this sensual mannerist art form to pagan cults associated with the infernal regions (reiterating much of the protest St Bernard made against the monstrous elements figuring in romanesque art.) The Church no longer viewed the grotesqueries as frivolous, outlandish exaggeration or wild burlesque, but saw in them a challenge to orthodox perception, which Michel Foucault (1985) might well have described in terms of a pagan ethos of esthetic self-transformation opposing the Christian ethos that privileges dutiful regulation of conduct over esthetic self-regulation. Indeed, the reconciliation of ethos and eros has always proved to be something of a Gordian knot.
We may find a parallel reaction to hybrid monsters in the anti-theatrical writers of late sixteenth century England. In a pamphlet entitled A Mirrour of Monsters, written in 1587, William Rankins views the category of the "monstrous" not only in biological terms identified with moral transgression and demonic possession (as in the Middle Ages) but also in analogical terms, extending it to the ideological and socio-political sphere, and to all theatrical phenomena, which he construed as pagan, culturally alien and threatening. In Rankins's pamphlet, monstrousness is also identified with insupportable transgression of class and cultural boundaries; its subtitle refers to "the infectious sight of Playes", inferring that the theatre may even facilitate cultural and individual metamorphoses and boundary-crossings.
Shakespeare draws inspiration from the shifting forms of grotto art and flouts such anti-theatrical writings as Rankins's in making a play like Antony and Cleopatra, which might be seen to champion the cause of a theatre that, if left to dream its dreams, and not shackled to the restrictive ideals of verisimilitude, will reveal its capacity to renegotiate a relationship between so-called "monstrous" transgressions and the often mis-recognized norms of a society's culture. Antony and Cleopatra straddle categories of high and low culture as Shakespeare uses the grotto-esque to re-think the discourse of normativeness. After a degrading interregnum in which both embody a certain amount of "grotesque realism" in the style of M. Bahktin's grotesque body, they are uplifted to become figures in which the human form divine again manifests itself.
What Vitruvius and sundry later classical-minded writers call the "fantastic" signifies a pronounced divergence from the normal and natural, a non-realistic representation that has a marked element of exaggeration, of extremeness about it. However, if a literary creation has no pretensions to a connection with reality, the work cannot be labeled "grotesque" because it is precisely the conviction that the grotesque world, however strange, has affinities with our world and even suggests possible worlds, that makes it powerful and disturbing. The confusion of the real with the unreal will give rise to reactions ranging from delight in novelty and amusement at a divergence from the normal to anxiety about the unfamiliar and the unknown, once a certain degree of abnormality has been reached. As Philip Thomson (24) points out, the ambivalent nature and radicality of the abnormal that is present in the grotesque are largely responsible for a not infrequent condemnation of the grotesque as offensive, uncivilized and threatening. As André Chastel argues in La Grottesque (70), a certain topsy-turvy carnival element characterizes the grotto-esque. We find human figures in ridiculous contorsions, and a satirical tone may also be present. As a rule, indecent gestures and preposterous metamorphoses are represented. In the mannerist grotto-esque art forms the Rabelaisian "substantifique moëlle" may even be hidden behind playful metamorphoses that bear the stamp of pagan mythology and its veiled truths. The "variety" and "strangeness" that Montaigne attributes to the grotesque actually underpin Shakespeare's representation of Cleopatra and her Egyptian court. Her "infinite variety" (2.2.241) generates oppositional pleasure and anxiety in the stage world as well as in the audience.
In the play, Egypt is a country defined by carnival festivity and carnival inversion associated with what Marilyn French (23) calls the "outlaw" feminine principle. Pleasure is generated and experienced by the Egyptian court to the full. The most fundamental dynamic of the play consists in the constant mediation between carnivalesque femininity and masculine officialdom, represented by the Lenten kill-joy Octavius or, to put it in more Freudian terms, his body-denying tyranny of the human will. Egypt is full of comic exuberance and characterized by a lyric romantic quality engendered by the vitalities of the natural world However the nimble spirit of mirth allied to Cleopatra's mischievous Puck-like nature can emerge as either poisonous or medicinal: the "antics" of the gypsy queen are capable of unloosing either fertility or evil.
As M. French specifies, "the outlaw feminine principle is rebellious against any permanency except the cyclic permanency of nature"(24) It is seen as both "castrating" and as a source of energy and force Life in Egypt is characterized by drunken revels (2.5.20-21), "soft hours" for love, sport and pleasure (1.1.45-48), banqueting, moody music, colourful dress and a general sense of luxury, splendour and idleness. The Nile River is at the centre of the conception of Egypt ­ its annual overflow bringing fertility, even out of destruction, as Antony explains to Caesar in 2.7.19-22. Its slime yields rich harvests, but also swarms of insects and serpents which breed in spontaneous generation of the sun. However, the fertility of the Nile is in fact undercut in the play by its sinister aspects ­ it also breeds carrion-eating flies and gnats (3.13.170) and the dire symbol of evil, the poisonous serpent.
In the sixteenth century, Egypt was still venerated for its learning and also shared Asia's fame for luxurious living, rich cloths, fine carpets, silks and spices. However, a narrative of African degeneration, a counter-discourse of disrespect was also shared by Egypt from early times. In Antony and Cleopatra the stereotypical association of European Rome with reason and African Egypt with passion, feminity, and transgressive sexuality is strongly felt. Europe's racial lexicon included dark skin, gypsies (associated with deceit), conquest, degeneration Antony at times assumes a Roman discourse which renders Cleopatra a whore and a trickster: his "false soul of Egypt" and "grave charm" (4.12.25); a "right gipsy" (4.12.28) by whom he says he was "beguil'd [] to the very heart of loss." (4.12.28), all tell-tale formulations of an ingrain fear of cultural "otherness" as a threat to the consoling certainties of conventional life, and fear of the transgressive female as a new and alien persona threatening the constitutive definitions of Roman cultural norms.
Normativeness in the play is defined with regard to the Roman absolute. Cleopatra's excessive sensuality contrasts strongly with the coldness of the Roman Octavia, who is a "statue" rather than a "breather" (3.3.21) and so unlike Cleopatra who maliciously speculates on the sexual attractiveness of Octavia, her rival, coming to the conclusion that "There is nothing in her yet" (3.3.23). Octavia is considered by Agrippa to be the "studied" (2.2.146) match for Antony, and Maecenas sees her as "A blessed lottery" of "beauty, wisdom, modesty" (2.2.251-253), capable of settling the heart of Antony. To Caesar, she is the apogee of womanhood, "a piece of virtue" (3.2.28), but also a useful commodity when in need of a political alliance. To Antony, she is a "lady" and a "gem" (3.13.110) to whom he would do all by the rule (if he were not a liar) She symbolizes those virtues of the mean or measure that can reconcile the estranged Caesar and Antony, and "hoop" (2.2.122), "knot" (2.2.135) and "cement" (3.2.29) them together in one world-conquering enterprise. He also represents female chaste constancy, "the lynch pin of the basic contract of civilization" (French 128) which enables the begetting of lawful heirs, a possibility Antony seemingly regrets when enraged by Cleopatra's vacillating allegiance:

Have I left my pillow unpressed in Rome
Forborne the getting of a lawful race
And by a gem of women, to be abused
By one that looks on feeders? (3.13.107-110)
In direct contrast to Octavia, the highly sexed Cleopatra can be viewed as a manifestation of the grand bogeyman of the Protestant ethos. As the unruly libertine female, she is a mark of the ultraliminal, a perilous realm in which all kinds of transformation are possible, including the grotto-esque. The gamesome Cleopatra fishes her Antony, hooks him to her rudder and has him enthroned in the market place with great pomp and ostentation. From catching big fish in carnival revels she moves onto bigger catches in the political sphere. The subversive potential of the carnivalised feminine principle becomes most threatening when its manifestations move out of the liminal world of carnival games and into the political arena itself. Caesar's railing against Antony, his alienated countryman, whom he refers to as his emasculated "competitor", "not more manlike/ Than Cleopatra" (1.4.5-6), bears witness to the anxiety generated by the hybrid Antony:

CAESAR:
Let's grant it is not amiss to tumble on the bed of Ptolemy,
To give a kingdom for a mirth..
[]
[] yet must Antony
No way excuse his foils when we do bear
So great weight in his lightness. (1.4.16-18; 23-25)
Antony might be related here to one of the caryatids that are found in grotto-esque ornamentation ­ he is no longer the "triple pillar of the world" (1.1.12) that Philo described him as, but, "transformed into a strumpet's fool" (1.1.12-13), the pillar now, like a caryatid, tapers off into a figure of lightness, into "the bellows and the fan/ To cool a gipsy's lust". (1.1.9-10)
Normativeness in the play is most frequently expressed by Roman male viewers. In all of her activities, Cleopatra is the object of profane surmise, and male discursive formations, produced by Roman empiricism, present her as the ambivalent configuration of the female grotesque. Most of the Romans view her as the polluting and polluted grotesque female, liable to inflict Antony with "Full surfeits and the dryness of his bones"(1.4.27). As the fisher of men she herself admits that she "trades in (carnal) love" (2.5.2), drinks her men to bed, emasculates them with games of cross-dressing and one-upmanship: the incident of the salt-fish in 2.5.10-18 echoes the "salt" Cleopatra of 2.1.21, the emblem of baited vice who triumphs over Antony's male Roman earnestness in various rollicking sexual encounters:

CLEOPATRA:
. next morn,
Ere the ninth hour, I drunk him to his bed;
Then put my tires and mantles on him, whilst
I wore his sword Philippan. (2.5.18-23)
Roman commentators in the play reduce Cleopatra to a sensual temptress whom their civilized customs condemn. The vocabulary they use throughout the play conveys an orthodox sense of continence and a Stoic fear of the generative powers of the kinetic. Her "infinite variety" is again portrayed in the transitional shapes with which her grotto-esque body is endowed: she is a "gipsy" and "strumpet" (1.1.13) to Philo, to Pompey she is a bewitching sensual temptress (2.1.22-27). To Maecenas and Agrippa a magnificent sexual object and "trull" (3.6.98); to Octavius, a "whore", to Scarus "Yon ribaudred nag of Egypt" (3.10.10). It is Antony himself who gives her the most disturbing shapes. Framed by his Roman institutionalized world, and therefore still harboring a tendency to appeal to the bundle of values that his civilized mind has registered, when under damaging pressure from fears of betrayal by Cleopatra, he refers to her as a "kite" (3.13.91), a "boggler" (3.13.113), a "morsel cold upon Caesar's dead trencher", (3.13.119-120), "triple-turned whore"(4.12.13), "right gipsy" (4.12.28) and "spell" (4.12.30).
Other commentators reveal a repressed fascination with her and with her dangerous fertile culture. The drunk Lepidus is keen to hear Antony's description of the Egyptian serpents and crocodiles "bred now of your mud by the operation of your sun" (2.7.26-27); Maecenas and Agrippa privately draw Enobarbus aside to hear the inside story of Egypt's wonders. Spell-bound by the description of Cleopatra on her barge at Cydnus, Agrippa cannot help but express his admiration :

Royal wench!
She made great Caesar lay his sword to bed;
He plough'd her, and she cropp'd. (2.2.236-28)
Momentarily, Agrippa subverts the established moral order he upholds and can no longer contain his emotion. Enobarbus's description of Cleopatra on her barge makes her defects sound like perfections. She arouses every sense with her rich clothing, music and perfume and in her self-conscious staging of herself, she appears not as a gaudy imitation of an imitation, but a living, neo-Platonic intimation of a spiritual realm, a transcendent royal queen, "O'erpicturing that Venus where we see /The fancy outwork nature". (2.2.210-211). Shakespeare's source for his additions to Plutarch's account of Cleopatra at Cydnus is Lucretius's De rerum natura, a repository of Romanized Epicurean philosophy in which is to be found Lucretius's invocation of the Venus genetrix of the Roman race and of all things under heaven, the conceiver of good and dispeller of evil whose creative activity overcomes the god of war. "What Venus did with Mars" is not the subject of moralistic condemnation on the part of Lucretius, but an allegory of love overcoming strife. Shakespeare seems to be hinting at the possibility for some human tolerance to colour the ascetic Roman world in which ideals of manhood are
presented by Ceasar as "drinking the stale of horses and the gilded puddle which beasts would cough at" or "eating strange flesh" (1.4.63-69). Enobarbus's erotic account of Cydnus presents Cleopatra as sublime excess, a living ideal that surpasses the most gorgeous fancy.
Grotto-esque art breaks down and restructures the familiar into incongruous associations. Fantasies of the unconscious and of the ideal are juxtaposed, the rational and irrational mingle together. In the Shakespearean universe value structures are seriously questioned through incongruous analogies, and synthesis and integration are urged for. As in the grotto-esque designs where the masculine and feminine share the characteristic of flux, in Antony and Cleopatra Shakespeare attempts a synthesis of the two principles and examines the kinds of worlds that would result when one or the other principle becomes absurd, neglected, devalued or exiled.
If the male Romans attempt to distort the feminine Egyptian world into a female grotesque, the Egyptian gaze also twists and contorts the neat contours of the Roman world. Rome also has its male freaks and monsters. In the first scene of the play, Philo, acting as a kind of Mannerist Sprecher2 figure, attempts to insert a Roman normative perspective on Antony and to guide the audience response. His gaze is somewhat voyeuristic as he distances himself from the scene, finding nonetheless the grotesqueries that he views there alluring. The attraction-repulsion principle of the grotesque works on him and on his Roman companion Demetrius like a spell. Antony "approves the common liar" with his behaviour in this moving tableau and somehow satisfies the Puritan gaze he is subjected to. However, the observed also direct their gaze back at the Roman idealists as the dramatist attempts to renegotiate mutual boundaries to increase the sensitivity and tolerance for "otherness". The audience is ultimately invited to establish its own criteria of "normativeness".
Cleopatra reveals how the Dionysiac life-giving energies are lacking in the impoverished Roman psyche. In the very first scene she reflects back her vision of Octavius Caesar when she mimes his playing at petty empire-building games, deliberately confusing him with Antony's scolding, hen-pecking wife, Fulvia (1.1.30):

Do this or this;
Take in that kingdom and enfranchise that;
Perform't or else we damn thee. (1.1.23-25)
Octavius is portrayed as an imperious businessman with shrewish feminine attributes. Cleopatra's playful impersonation of him reveals how a respect for differences is required ­ how Roman imperialists also have their freakish attributes which the Egyptian Bacchannals of the grotesque masque of act 2 scene 7 might have improved if only "Plumpy Bacchus with pink eyne" (2.7.108) had not been frowned upon by Caesar's "graver business" (2.7.114-115). The monstrousness of the feasts and sexual appetites of the Egyptians begs definition against the monstrous ambition of Pompey to own the seas, against the monstrous treachery of Caesar in turning against the gullible Lepidus, or against the vile lies of Caesar who vaunts gentleness and promises civility to his captive, Cleopatra, when planning to use her in his triumph :

How honorable and how kindly we
Determine for her; for
Caesar cannot live to be ungentle (5.1. 59-61)
Love is shown to be lacking in the entire grain of Caesar whose ignorance of fluid human contact reduces social intercourse to slight threads tied by messengers and whose interpersonal relationships include bartering a sister for a political alliance.
Paradoxically, Antony's normativeness is presented by his Roman acquaintances as being of an ideal magnitude. The most recurrent points of reference used in the play are Hercules and plated Mars, the ideal warriors. Antony's established reputation had embodied a set of images which were all lawful and culturally authoritative in the eyes of his institutionalized society. But the issue of his cultural egregiousness is renegotiated within the play - the constitutive categories of normativeness and deviation (or monstrousness) are subject to negotiation. Antony is finally uplifted by his unrepressed sexual desire and the unbending Caesar, in his final defeat by Cleopatra, is invited to renegotiate the relationship of the "monstrous" to the norms he assumed to be absolute. Shakespeare achieves this renegotiation through integrating the dynamics of the grotto-esque art. The comic exuberance of Egypt is used as a counter-discourse to the dour Roman ethos. Comic degradation and dismemberment put Antony through the somewhat painful process of a breakdown of identity. His liminal experience - "Here I am Antony,/ Yet cannot hold this visible shape "(4.14.13-14) might well be described in the terms used by Michel Foucault to define transgression and fulfillment. For Foucault, transgression is a form of contestation of values that carries them all to their limits: "To contest [transgress] is to proceed until one reaches the empty core where being achieves its limit and where the limit defines being."("A Preface to Transgression" 35) Transgression takes us beyond the deadening and consoling certainties of conventional life, and, like the transgressive grotto art forms, may lead to the exploration of alternative aesthetic forms of existence.
Antony openly contests his culture's values throughout the play. In the opening scene we see him kissing away the kingdoms that he had previously striven to conquer:

The nobleness of life
Is to do thus, when such a mutual pair
And such a twain can do't - (1.1.38-40)
Once under Cleopatra's spell, like his mythical ancestor Hercules who fell under female domination, he undergoes what amounts to a Dionysiac ritual of flaying as he sloughs off the outer skin to reveal the identity of the inner man. Pleasure and virtue are finally reconciled in the Aldine dolphin (5.2.88) that Cleopatra evokes to depict Antony, her "man of men" (1.5.74). He is re-created and re-shaped by the Shakespearean synthesis that Cleopatra strives to accomplish. As Barbara Bono (165) rightly argues, to Roman analytical distinctions made between sexual and social matters, she prefers androgyny and emotionally charged intimacy; in place of moralistic choice she favours syncretism. In a final performance of grotto-esque transgression, she achieves the transcendent re-creation of the constrictive Roman world by integrating Roman Stoicism into her orgiastic Egyptian version of suicide, thereby attaining the status of myth for herself and for her lover:

CLEOPATRA:
[] and then, what's brave, what's noble,
Let's do't after the high Roman fashion
And make death proud to take us. (4.15.91-93)
By avoiding the degrading exhibition of herself as an alien freak in Caesar's long-desired "eternal" (5.1.66) triumph, she escapes the clutches of the "common liar" and the over-simplified interpretation as a female grotesque that the unromantic, Stoic Roman crowd, trained in a given set of civilized customs, would make of the Venus-Isis-Cleopatra :

[] Saucy lictors
Will catch at us like strumpets, and scald rhymers
Ballad us out o'tune. The quick comedians
Extemporally will stage us and present
Our Alexandrian revels; Antony
Shall be brought drunken forth, and I shall see
Some squeaking Cleopatra boy my greatness
I'th'posture of a whore.
[] (5.2.214-219)

[] I am again for Cydnus
To meet Mark Antony. (5.2.227-228)
As Edgar Wind reminds us in his interpretations of the two Venuses in Botticelli's "Primavera" and "The Birth of Venus":

one should not assume that the vulgar Venus is purely sensuous and does not share in the celestial glory [] While a purely sensuous instinct will incline to misplace the source of visual beauty in the body and seek the fruition of beauty in animal pleasure alone, the human lover will recognize that the Venus who appears clothed in an earthly garment is an image of the celestial. (138-139)
Wind thus warns the viewer not to make a dyadic moral contrast between the Venere vulgare, or Aphrodite Pandemos, the Lucretian Venus of fruitful nature and the Venere celeste, or Aphrodite Urania, born of Zeus and the ocean spume, and a symbol of divine inspiration. >>From a synthesis of the dichotomies of virtue and pleasure, of Stoicism and Epicureanism, Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra derive the neo-Platonic unifying concept of a passionate spiritual love for divine truth, infusing their tragic defeat with the transcendent thrust of love's triumph.
Grotto-esque transgressions continue right up to the end of the play, with Caesar, "ass unpolicied" (5.2.301-302), donning the robes of Hymen to wed the dead lovers in a bridal tomb. The eulogy he pronounces in his closing speech points to a certain recognition on his own part that the Old Adam and the discourse of desire that constituted him must, like the skin of the aspic, be cast off to make way for the new:

She shall be buried by her Antony.
No grave upon the earth shall clip in it
A pair so famous. High events as these
Strike those that make them; and their story is
No less in pity than his glory which
Brought them to be lamented. (5.2.352-357)